Si les observateurs internationaux (MISNUS) restent sur place, ils ont suspendu sine die leur mission. Or elle devrait prendre fin ce mois de juillet. On perçoit mal a priori du moins quel sens pourrait être donné au renouvellement de leur mandat.

Les Occidentaux ont finalement accepté la proposition de Kofi Annan inspirée par la Russie de constituer un groupe de contact (sans retenir cette dénomination, c'est-à-dire en le considérant seulement comme l'un des cadres d'action parmi d'autres) qui s'est effectivement réuni le 30 juin dernier à Genève. Le texte issu de cette réunion préserve la position russe, mais il n'affecte pas celle des Etats qui y sont hostiles. Il fournit l'appui recherché par le médiateur international, puisqu'il est assez précis en ce qui concerne le processus de la transition politique. Les diplomates ont donc « fait le job ».

Pourtant personne ne nourrit d'illusion sur la mise en œuvre du processus politique dans l'immédiat. Peu importe à cet égard que les participants aient divergé sur l'issue du règlement politique de la crise, la majorité envisageant comme une évidence factuelle la fin du régime autocratique du Président Al Assad, Russes et Chinois s'entêtant à vouloir une réconciliation nationale que le prix du sang rend inaccessible. L'arbitrage populaire à travers un référendum sur les institutions et des élections démocratiques trancherait le débat. Les Russes disent qu'ils ne serait pas hostiles à la chute du régime si telle était la décision des Syriens. Le problème est donc ailleurs ou devrait être formulé différemment.

Cette réunion d'Etats et d'Organisations internationales qui, manifestant un sens involontaire de la dérision s'est désigné comme le « Groupe d'action », a adopté une déclaration finale qui explicite les contradictions de la situation actuelle. En effet, on y lit que

« (l)es effusions de sang doivent cesser. Toutes les parties doivent s’engager à nouveau de manière crédible à respecter le plan en six points. Cela requiert l’arrêt de la violence armée sous toutes ses formes et des efforts immédiats, crédibles et visibles pour appliquer les éléments 2 à 6 du plan en six points ».

Les parties s'étaient déjà engagées à l'égard du Médiateur. Elles devraient pourtant y procéder à nouveau, mais de manière crédible. Cette simple réitération sans admonestation ne s'accompagne d'aucune mise en garde, rien surtout qui puisse accréditer l'idée de recourir au Chapitre VII de la Charte. Or on sait que, ni les loyalistes, ni l'opposition armée (les insurgés peut-on dire désormais) n'abandonneront le terrain à l'adversaire. Ainsi, ce document a été patiemment négocié, alors que chaque participant savait pertinemment qu'il n'y a aucune chance que le processus politique de règlement de la crise soit effectivement engagé dans le contexte actuel. Bien plus, en affirmant qu'il appartenait au peuple syrien de conduire ce processus, le « Groupe d'action » pourrait avoir affaibli l'autorité de l'Envoyé spécial à l'égard du gouvernement syrien.

La Russie est dans l'impasse. Chaque fois qu'elle se sent acculée, elle prend une initiative diplomatique, sans rien céder sur le fond. Ses partenaires finissent par y adhérer sans y croire, mais avec l'infime espoir d'une évolution de la position russe. Ainsi ce gouvernement refuse avec la dernière énergie de voir tomber le dernier domino de l'empire soviétique. Il s'ensuit que la crise syrienne est devenue un gâchis diplomatique sur fond de désastre humanitaire. Quelle régression ! En développant jusqu'à l'absurde l' « idéologie d'impartialité » que dénonçait Kofi Annan en 1999, la Russie effrite les valeurs qui sont le socle des Nations Unies.

Dans ce rapport l'ancien Secrétaire général affirmait que

« (l)a principale leçon de Srebrenica est qu’une tentative délibérée et systématique de terrifier, d’expulser ou d’assassiner un peuple tout entier doit susciter non seulement une réponse décisive mettant en œuvre tous les moyens nécessaires, mais aussi la volonté politique de mener cette réponse jusqu’à sa conclusion logique » (par. 502).

Il observait d'ailleurs que dans les expériences de l'ex-Yougoslavie le recours a la force avait toujours fini pas s'imposer.

Parce que le régime syrien a fermé dès le début toute alternative à la répression féroce, il n'a laissé d'autre issue que sa chute brutale. Or c'est bien dans ce contexte envisagé comme inéluctable que le plan Kofi Annan trouverait sa raison d'être en tant que cadre directif de la transition. La Russie agite le spectre du chaos si le régime actuel était renversé. Néanmoins, pour prévenir ce risque menaçant la sécurité internationale dans la région, une forte présence internationale et la définition d'un processus politique acceptable par tous les Syriens seraient indispensables. L'idée que la mise en œuvre du plan en six points serait subordonnée au préalable de la fin de régime fait donc son chemin dans les esprits, nonobstant la résistance farouche menée par la Russie. Dans cette hypothèse le groupe d'observateurs devrait être maintenu aussi longtemps que nécessaire et le plan international conserverait pleinement son objet malgré sa paralysie actuelle.

Le Plan Annan s'inscrirait donc désormais dans la préparation de l'après Assad. Plusieurs éléments confortent cette analyse.

On relève tout d'abord que la version finale de la Déclaration de Genève résulte des amendements imposés par la Russie au projet informel (non paper) présenté par l'envoyé spécial conjoint. Cette dernière a ainsi obtenu que soit supprimée la mention de l'exclusion implicite du Président Al Assad du gouvernement de transition, à savoir le passage suivant :

« The establishment of a Transitional Government of National Unity which can establish a neutral environment in which the transition can take place. That means that the Government of National Unity would exercise full executive powers. It could include members of the present government and the opposition and other groups, but would exclude from government those whose continued presence and participation would undermine of the transition and jeopardize stability and reconciliation ».

Ainsi le médiateur et auteur du Plan en six points adhère à l'idée que la mise à l'écart du Président Al Assad constitue un préalable à la transition politique.

Il convient aussi de se référer à la conférence du Caire (2-3 juillet) qui a réuni l'opposition syrienne à l'invitation de la Ligue arabe. De l'événement la presse internationale n'a guère retenu que les éléments négatifs : l'impossibilité de mettre en place une structure unifiée et la défection de certains groupes d'opposants (il s'agit de Armée syrienne libre (ASL) qui n'est pas venue pour ne pas être liée par la Déclaration de Genève, de la Commission générale de la révolution syrienne (CGRS) qui a quitté la conférence pour ne pas être mêlée aux dissensions et des kurdes qui sont partis avec fracas après que la mention de leur autonomie leur a été refusée). Au vu des motivations affichés par les mécontents on devrait se garder de considérer cette réunion comme un échec. Il faut comprendre l'exaspération qu'inspire aux Syriens la Déclaration de Genève qui semble mettre à jour l'attitude munichoise de la Communauté internationale face au diktat russe. En réalité, la déclaration n'a rien d'un oukase et elle prend tout son sens lorsqu'elle est lue en rapport avec les deux documents sur la transition politique adoptés par l'opposition syrienne lors de la réunion du Caire (texte ci-après) qui la complètent. La Ligue arabe et Kofi Annan qui est aussi son représentant ont donc obtenu de l'opposition l'essentiel de ce qu'ils attendaient d'elle et le cadre général qui gouvernera la transition se met ainsi en place, pièce après pièce. Au demeurant les participants à la conférence du Caire ont clairement exclu le Président Al Assad de l'avenir de la Syrie.

Enfin deux documents importants ont été adoptés le vendredi 6 juillet. Il s'agit des conclusions de la troisième réunion du Groupe des Amis du Peuple syrien qui s'est tenue à Paris et d'une nouvelle résolution du Conseil des droits de l'homme condamnant le régime syrien une fois de plus et avec une fermeté accrue.

107 délégations étaient représentées à la réunion à l'invitation du ministre français des affaires étrangères. La majorité des Etats exprime ainsi son soutien actif au peuple syrien victime d'une répression barbare. On y a remarqué la présence de la Secrétaire d'Etat américaine, très critique à l'égard du soutien qu'apporte la Russie au régime syrien, et le discours d'ouverture, aimable et lissé, du Président de la République française. Les conclusions de la réunion traduisent une forme d'ambivalence. En effet les Amis du Peuple syrien expriment clairement leur soutien à la Déclaration de Genève en ce qu'elle organise la transition, mais ils s'inscrivent nettement en contrepoint du Groupe d'action  initié par la Russie. Finalement on exprime là tout ce que la Russie était parvenue à censurer : on exclut le Président Assad de la transition ; on condamne les exactions dont le gouvernement est responsable, on s'engage à renforcer les sanctions et on prépare la répression contre les auteurs. Surtout la conférence de Paris se prononce fortement en faveur d'une action du Conseil de sécurité en vertu du chapitre VII de la Charte et de l'assistance à l'opposition armée. S'agissant de cette aide, seuls des moyens de communication sont explicités. Une certaine prudence est donc maintenue, mais il s'agit tout de même d'une contribution de nature militaire et le soutien à l'une des parties au conflit est donc bien affichée. Enfin l'aide humanitaire est affirmée une fois encore, alors que l'accès aux victimes n'est pas assuré.

Ce que l'on semble avoir cédé à la Russie à Genève pour obtenir la définition du cadre et des principes de la transition politique est donc repris à Paris. La même démarche inspire l'adoption de la nouvelle résolution du Conseil des droits de l'homme. La Russie est apparue très minoritaire : le projet a recueilli 41 voix pour, trois contre (Russie, Chine et Cuba) et trois abstentions (Philippines, Ouganda et Inde). Le groupe ALBA qui avait voté aux côtés de la Russie le 7 juin dernier ne s'est plus désolidarisée de la majorité. La Russie n'a eu aucune influence sur la rédaction de la résolution. Ainsi son amendement visant à condamner les actions terroristes a été rejeté à une forte majorité. Le texte final n'a pas été atténué et on remarque l'impuissance des Russes dans la rédaction qui ne comporte pas les nuances infinies imposée par sa diplomatie lorsqu'elle est en a la possibilité : « des civils sont aveuglément pris pour cible par les autorités syriennes » ; « l’assassinat ciblé d’enfants et le fait que des enfants ont été arbitrairement arrêtés, détenus, torturés » ; « demande d’urgence la mise en œuvre complète et immédiate de tous les éléments de ce plan sans condition préalable » ; « les responsables de violations massives, systématiques et flagrantes des droits de l’homme qui peuvent constituer des crimes contre l’humanité ».

Étrangement la Russie a considéré que la résolution du Conseil des droits de l'homme était contraire à la Déclaration de Genève. En réalité le laminoir russe n'a aucune influence sur la position des autres Etats qui s'empressent d'exercer le pouvoir de la parole, lorsqu'ils échappent à la pression de Moscou. Cette dernière use d'une capacité de nuisance, mais ne se voit reconnaître aucun leadership dans la crise syrienne. Ainsi la proposition d'organiser la réunion du « groupe d'action » à Moscou a immédiatement été abandonnée au profit de Genève. Malgré la multiplication de ses initiatives, la diplomatie russe reste cantonnée sur une position défensive. Bien plus, les récents événements ont montré comment son projet de créer un groupe de contact sur la Syrie a été utilisé pour faire avancer la préparation de la transition politique, sans Assad évidemment.

Une péripétie dans l'adoption de la résolution du Conseil des droits de l'homme confirme cette capacité de contrer les initiatives diplomatiques russes ou syriennes. Le dernier paragraphe du projet de résolution présenté par les Etats-Unis et l'Union européenne a été abandonné dans la version finale. Il était ainsi rédigé :

« 14. Stresses that the current Syrian government’s announced candidacy for the Human Rights Council in 2014 fails to meet the standards for Council membership set forth in paragraph 8 of General Assembly resolution 60/251;

... »

Ainsi la candidature de la Syrie à un siège au Conseil des droits de l'homme au titre du groupe asiatique a été éventée avant que le groupe concerné ne puisse déterminer sa position.

Confirmant ainsi un changement de perspective et la préparation de la transition, le Secrétaire général de l'ONU préconise dans son rapport du 6 juillet une réduction des effectifs de la MISNUS avec un renforcement de sa composante civile afin de développer la fonction plus politique de bons offices (voir le rapport).

___________

 

La situation en Syrie est peut être la crise la plus complexe que la Communauté internationale ait eu à gérer. Accordons donc aux diplomaties le bénéfice de l'indulgence. C'est aussi vrai pour la Russie qui en est l'acteur déterminant. Elle crée autour d'elle une tension palpable, physique, instaure un climat de confrontation qui rappelle de manière incongrue l'atmosphère de la guerre froide. Elle soutient l'invraisemblable et défend l'impossible. Plus que l'amour propre, c'est l'image de soi qui détermine son attitude rogue. Elle cède donc à la dictature du sentiment, faute d'une vision raisonnée de sa politique étrangère fondée sur une analyse objective du monde actuel. Le véritable habit de Pierre le Grand était celui du charpentier de marine. Or cette part « européenne » de l'âme russe est aujourd'hui occultée. La pire issue de la crise syrienne pour les intérêts rationnels de la Russie serait celle d'une chute du régime actuel dont elle ne serait pas la cheville ouvrière. L'entêtement du gouvernement de Moscou va donc à l'encontre des intérêts du pays. A vrai dire, les politiques étrangères des autres Etats souffrent de défauts similaires au point qu'il n'est pas exagéré d'évoquer une crise des diplomaties.

Actuellement la responsabilité de protéger est complètement occultée. Elle ne serait donc plus de mode ? En réalité ce nouveau concept né d'un compromis politique mondial traduisait dans le langage politique l'incidence des règles de droit international. Il imposait une conduite responsable dans l'exercice des compétences nationales. Or actuellement le refus de tout interventionnisme sert une justification commode à la défausse des responsables politiques. Ainsi, du refus d'impliquer la sécurité collective dans la crise syrienne découlait un devoir pour la Russie d'exercer une capacité d'influence positive sur le régime en place. Las, Moscou ne se montre pas en mesure d'employer une pression efficace sur un gouvernement aussi retors à son égard qu'envers les autres Etats. Il est manifeste que le Président Poutine n'apprécie pas le Président Assad. Dans ces conditions une Puissance responsable devrait s'associer à ses pairs pour trouver dans l'action collective l'efficacité qui lui fait défaut dans ses entreprises individuelles.

Le vocabulaire est affaire de mode, mais les nécessités qu'il exprime sont intemporelles. Ainsi, c'est un autre concept « péri-juridique » relevant de l'air du temps, celui de gouvernance internationale, qui est aussi escamoté actuellement par aveuglement. Or, l'argument de la non-ingérence, simple commodité dans les circonstances, perd sa pertinence lorsque la paix et la sécurité internationales sont gravement menacées comme dans la situation syrienne. Cette fois, c'est le discours juridique fondé sur la lecture de la Charte des Nations Unies qui l'exprime. Finalement, le droit de veto réservé à une poignée d'Etats devient un insupportable privilège lorsqu'il est utilisé de manière à aggraver la menace à la sécurité internationale. C'est cette aggravation manifeste que l'on observe dans la situation de la Syrie depuis que la Russie use d'une capacité de blocage qui n'est qu'un pouvoir de nuisance. Il est manifeste aussi que la Russie cherche par ses initiatives diplomatiques des substituts à l'action du Conseil de sécurité. Or, à quoi lui sert cet attribut de la puissance que constitue l'appartenance au groupe des membres permanents de cet organe, si elle s'emploie à priver en fait ce dernier de la responsabilité principale que lui confère la Charte ?

L'exercice d'une capacité de nuisance est le contraire même du leadership. Le fin mot de cette histoire malheureuse est que la Russie agit contre soi-même, alors que l'humanité organisée tente de contourner les obstacles que dressent les errements russes à l'assistance légitime à une nation en danger.

Documents

1. Réunion de Genève du Groupe d'action (30 juin 2012)

• Projet informel présenté par l'Envoyé spécial conjoint Kofi Annan

 

"Non-Paper

Guide-lines and Principles for a Syrian-led Transition

Any political settlement must deliver to the people of Syria a transition that:

- Offers a perspective for the future that can be shared by all in Syria;

- Establishes clear steps according to a firm time-table towards the realization of that perspective;

- Can be implemented in a climate of safety for all, stability and calm;

- Is reached rapidly without further bloodshed and violence and is credible.

1. Perspective for the Future

The aspirations of the people of Syria have been clearly expressed by the wide range of Syrians I have consulted. There is an overwhelming wish for a state that:

- Is genuinely democratic and pluralistic, giving space to established and newly emerging political actors to compete fairly and equally in elections. This also means that the commitment to multi-party democracy must be lasting one, going beyond an initial round of elections.

- Complies with international standards on human rights, the independence of the judiciary, accountability of those in government and the rule of law. It is not enough just to enunciate such a commitment. There must be mechanisms available to the people to ensure that commitments are kept by those in authority.

- Offers equal opportunities and chances for all. There is no room for sectarianism . or discrimination on ethnic, religious, linguistic or any other grounds.. Numerically smaller communities must be assured that their rights will be respected.

 

2. Clear Steps in the Transition

The conflict in Syria will only end when all sides are assured that there is a peaceful way towards a common future for all in Syria. It is therefore essential that any settlement provides for clear and irreversible steps in transition according to a fixed time frame. The key steps in any transition include:

- The establishment of a Transitional Government of National Unity which can establish a neutral environment in which the transition can take place. That means that the Government of National Unity would exercise full executive powers. It could include members of the present government and the opposition and other groups, but would exclude from government those whose continued presence and participation would undermine of the transition and jeopardizestability and reconciliation.

- It is for the people to determine the future of the country. All groups and segments of society in Syria must be enable to participate in a National Dialogue process. That process must not only be inclusive, it must also be meaningful, that is to say, its key outcomes must be implemented.

- On this basis, there can be a review of the constitutional order and the legal system. The result of constitutional drafting would be subject to popular approval.

- Once the new constitutional order is established, it is necessary to prepare for and conduct free and fair multi-party elections for the new institutions and offices that have been established.

- Women must be fully represented in all aspects of the transition.

3. Safety, stability and calm

Any transition involves change. However it is essential to ensure that the transition can be implemented in a way that assures the safety of all in an atmosphere of stability and calm. This requires:

- Consolidation of full calm and stability. All parties must cooperate with the Transitional Government of National Unity in ensuring the permanent cessation of violence. This includes completion of withdrawals and addressing the issue of the disarming, demobilization and reintegration of armed groups.

- Effectivc steps to ensure that vulnerable groups are protected and immediate action is taken to address humanitarian issues in areas of need. It is also necessary to ensure that. the release of the detained is completed rapidly.

- Continuity of governmental institutions and qualified staff. The public services must be preserved or restored. This includes the military forces and security services. However, all governmental institutions, including the. intelligence services, have to perform according to human rights and professional standard and operate under a top leadership that inspires public confidence, under the control of the Transitional Government of National Unity.

- Commitment to Accountability and National Reconciliation. Accountability for acts committed during the present conflict must be addressed. There also needs to be a comprehensive package for transitional justice, including compensation of rehabilitation for victims of the present conflict, steps towards national reconciliation and forgiveness.

 

4. Rapid steps to come to a Credible Political Agreement

It is for the people of Syria to come to a political agreement, but time is running out. It is clear that:

- The sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria must be respected.

- The conflict must be resolved through peaceful dialogue and negotiation alone. Conditions conducive to a political settlement must now be put in place.

- There must be an end to bloodshed. All parties must re-commit themselves credibly to the six-point plan. This must include a cessation of armed violence in 'all its forms and immediate, credible and visible actions to implement items 2-6 of the six-point plan.

- All parties must now engage genuinely with the Joint Special Envoy. The parties must be prepared to put forward effective interlocutors to work expeditiously towards a Syrian-led settlement that meets the legitimate aspirations of the people. The process must be fully inclusive to ensure that the views of all segments of Syrian society are heard in shaping the political settlement for the transition.

- The organized international community, including the members of the Action Group stands ready to offer significant support for the implementation of an agreement reached by the parties. This may include an international assistance presence under a United Nations Mandate if requested. Significant funds will be available to support reconstruction and rehabilitation."

(source)

 

• Déclaration finale du Groupe d'action (30 juin 2012)

 

2. Conférence du Caire de l'opposition syrienne (2-3 juillet 2012)

 

source : ambassade des Etats-Unis à Damas (U.S. Embassy Damascus) vendredi 6 juillet 2012, 01:24 (Facebook)

Held in Cairo July 2-3, 2012

The Syrian opposition conference held under the auspices of the Arab League completed its work on the evening of 3 July 2012, with the participation of 210 figures representing the various Syrian opposition sides, political trends and independent figures inside and outside Syria, and revolutionary movements. The conference discussed responsibly all the core issues related to the Syrian revolution and the conference issued the following documents:

- A compatibility document defining the joint political vision for the Syrian opposition regarding the challenges of the transitional period.

- The national compact document that structures the constitutional basis for the future of Syria, which are justice, democracy and plurality.

- The conferees agreed that the political solution in Syria begins with the removal of the regime represented in Bashar Al-Assad and figures of his authority, and guaranteeing accountability of those who are involved in the killing of Syrians. The conference demanded as well an immediate stop of acts of killings and violations committed by the Syrian regime; the withdrawal of the army; the dismantling of the siege imposed on Syrian cities and residential areas; and the immediate release of detainees.

- The conference emphasized support for the Free Syrian Army and all forms of revolutionary movements, and working on unifying the powers of the Free Syrian Army and its leaders to serve the goals of the Syrian people's revolution.

- The conference emphasized asking all Syrian people to work on protecting the civil peace and national unity.

- The conferees emphasized in the documents issued by the conference that the desired change in Syria will not happen except with the free will of the Syrian people who revolted against the oppressive and tyrant regime. The conference demanded structuring a compulsory mechanism to provide protection for civilians and a time frame for immediate and full implementation of the resolutions of the Arab League and UNSC, and asks the UNSC to take the necessary procedures to mandate immediate implementation of these resolutions.

___________

Syrian Opposition Conference

July 2-3, 2012

• THE NATIONAL COMPACT

 

The participants pledged that a new constitution of the country to approve the contents of this Pact:

• The Syrian people are one people, whose texture was established through history on the full equality of citizenship regardless of their origin, color, sex, language, ethnicity, political opinion, religion, or sect, on the basis of a comprehensive national concurrence,  No one is to impose a religion or a belief on anyone, or to prevent any one of the free choice of his  religion and its practice. Women are equal with men, and it is not permissible to go back on the gains of any of their rights. Any citizen has the right to occupy any position in the state, including the post of President of the Republic, regardless of his religion or nationalism either man or woman. Thus, the Syrian people are to be proud of their rich and diverse civilization, cultural and religious roots, representing a main part of their culture and society and build their own state on the basis of unity in diversity, with the participation of various components without any discrimination or exclusion.

• Man is the aim of the relationship between the members of the one nation, which is based on a commitment to international conventions and protocols on human, social, and economic rights, endorsed by humanity, and to ensure the enjoyment of these rights for citizens and residents alike.

• Syrian people are free and sovereign in their country and land, which are two inseparable political units and it is not allowed to give up any inch of it, including the occupied Golan. The Syrian people have the right to struggle for the restoration of their occupied territories by all possible means.

• Individual, public and collective freedoms are the basis for the relationship between the people of one nation; the State shall guarantee public freedoms, including freedom of access to information and media, the formation of NGOs, Syndicates and political parties, freedom of belief and practice of religions, freedom of peaceful demonstration and strike.  The state establishes rules to safeguard these freedoms from the dominance of money or political power. The Syrian State shall guarantee the respect of social diversity, beliefs, interests and privacies for all spectrums of the Syrian people, and to recognize the cultural and political rights for all the people and their aspiration for development and care.

• The Constitution guarantees removal of all forms of discrimination against women and seeks to create legislative and legal conditions that guarantee enabling them politically, economically and socially in accordance with all relevant international conventions and community culture.

• The Syrian State recognizes the existence of a Kurdish nationality among its citizens, with their legitimate national identity and rights according to international conventions and protocols, within the framework of the unity of the Syrian nation. The Kurdish nationals in Syria are considered as an integral part of the Syrian people. The State shall similarly recognize the existence, identity and national rights of the Assyrian and Turkmen Syrian nationals, who are considered an intrinsic part of the Syrian community.

• Syria is part of the Arab World, its peoples are linked by bonds of culture, history, interests, major goals and a common destiny. Syria, a founding member of the League of Arab States, is looking forward to strengthening various forms of cooperation and interdependence between the Arab countries.

• The Syrian people are committed to supporting the Palestinian people and their right to create their own free, sovereign and independent state with Jerusalem as its capital.

• The Syrian people are linked to all other Muslim peoples with joint historical roots and common human values based on divine religions.

• Syria is part of the global system and is a founding member of the United Nations and its affiliated organizations; therefore Syria is committed to its Conventions, and seeks with other countries of the world to establish an international order removed from all central conflicts, domination, and occupation. A system based on balanced relations, mutual interests and shared responsibility in facing general challenges and dangers that threaten security and peace of the world.

• People are the source of legitimacy and sovereignty which are achieved through a democratic, republican, pluralistic, civil system, where law prevails and is based on institutions.  Monopolization of power or inheriting it under any form is not allowed.

• The ruling institutions in the Syrian state stand on the basis of periodic elections and complete separation between the executive, legislative and judicial authorities, and on the principle of the rotation of power through free and secret elections, and respect for election results determined by the ballot box, regardless of the election results.

• A new Constitution is to approve the basis of a democratic, pluralistic and civic system, as well as a modern electoral system, that ensures the right for fair participation of all ideological and political currents, according to rules ensuring a broadest representation of the people, stability of the parliamentary system, adequate controls the financial resources and expenditures of political parties and groups.

• The Syrian army is the national institution that protects the country and safeguards its independence and sovereignty over its territory, is keen on the national security and does not interfere in political life.

• The State will adopt the principle of administrative decentralization, so that the local administration is based on representative executive institutions to administer citizen services and development in the provinces and regions, in order to achieve sustainable and balanced development.

• The State shall protect private property, which may not be seized except for public benefit within the law and in exchange for fair compensation, without re-allocating them for special interests.

• The State shall safeguard public funds and public properties for the benefit of the people.  Its policy is based on social justice, balanced development, and redistribution of income and wealth through the tax system between social categories and between regions, and ensuring freedom of investment, economic initiative, equal opportunities and markets within anti-monopolization and speculation control, and which protects the rights of workers and consumers.

• The Syrian State is committed to removing all forms of poverty and discrimination, and fighting unemployment with the aim of full decent employment and fair wages, and to achieve justice in the distribution of national wealth, and balanced development and environmental protection, and to provide basic services for all citizens: housing, zoning, clean drinking water, sewage/sanitation, electricity, telephone, Internet, roads and public transportation, quality education and qualification, comprehensive health insurance, retirement pensions and unemployment compensation, at prices appropriate with the standards of living.

 

The first draft for this document has been drafted and approved by the preparatory committee to be presented to the Syrian Opposition Conference. It has been discussed in the first session of the conference, and some amendments were approved by the participants in the conference in the concluding working session in the evening of July 3, 2012.

 

Syrian Opposition Conference

Final Version

• The Joint Political Vision for the Features of the Transitional Phase as Approved by the Syrian Opposition Conference held Under the Auspices of the League of Arab States in Cairo

July 2-3, 2012

 

Removal of power and transitional phase

 

Definitions:

The removal phase is a stage of struggle and determination until Bashar al-Assad and the symbols of power are toppled.

The transitional phase is the stage between this removal and the election of a President and a Parliament on the basis of a new constitution for the State of Syria, and the emergence of a government representing the elected parliament. For their achievement, both phases require compromise actions between the forces of opposition at political, legal, security, economic and social levels, as well as at the level of transitional justice.

1 – REMOVAL Phase:

Justice for the sacrifices and the sufferings of the Syrian people for freedom and dignity will only be through the removal of the main symbols of power, because their presence represents an obstacle for the construction of the democratic pluralistic civil state, a state of equality in citizenship and freedoms, which all Syrians are going to produce. Struggle will continue for this goal on the following basis:

• The political solution in Syria starts with the removal of Bashar al-Assad and the figures of his authority, and holding accountable those involved in the killing of Syrians.

• Revolutionary persistence, popular will and revolution would continue until the removal of the ruling authority.

• Desired change will not take place unless by the will and sacrifices of the Syrians, through an Arab and international effective mobilization, to protect the unity, sovereignty and stability of Syria and setting an abiding mechanism for the protection of the Syrian civilians and a timetable for the immediate and full implementation of the resolution of  the relevant Arab League and Security Council Resolutions, and demanding the Security Council to take the necessary measures to impose the immediate implementation of these resolutions.

• The need to unite the efforts of the opposition at all levels in order to achieve the toppling of the regime as soon as possible.

• Supporting the revolutionary movement and Free Syrian Army, and working on uniting its forces and leaders, so as to serve the objectives of the revolution of the Syrian people.

• To invite all parties to act with full keenness on the protection of civil and national peace.

 

2- TRANSITIONAL PHASE

This phase starts on the moment of Bashar Al-Assad and the official regime figures fall and ends with the election of a free legislative council based on a permanent new constitution.

 

• Political and legal reference:
  • Immediately as Bashar Al-Assad and regime icons fall, the government shall be dismissed, the current parliament shall be dissolved and a caretaker government shall be installed with agreement among political and revolutionary opposition powers, and the authority of the national fait-accompli and those whose hands are clean from the blood of Syrians or from embezzling public funds, relying on basis that comply with the documents and resolutions of Cairo Conference, until the formation of a transitional government.  
  • As soon as the caretaker government assumes authority, the ruling Baath Party shall be dissolved along with all its affiliated institutions, and their properties will be seized and returned to the state, while its members will be allowed to practice political work according to the new laws.
  • To call for a wide national conference in Damascus to include all political powers and society segments without exception, in order to ratify the establishment of a temporary legislative body (General Authority to defend the goals of the revolution and democratic transition) and a transitional government of personalities known for their efficiency and integrity.
  • The temporary legislative body shall work on issuing a constitutional declaration relying on the national compact document adopted at the Cairo Conference and that includes the status of the presidency in the transitional phase, as well as the Supreme Judicial Council, National Security Council, Supreme Authority for Accountability and Reconciliation, the General Authority for Social Re-compensation and Reconstruction. This body shall be responsible for observing the executive authority, issuing temporary laws organizing daily life during the transitional phase, including freedoms of media, demonstration, establishment of parties, syndicates and associations, and it will cancel all the discriminatory declarations and laws against the Kurdish, Turkmen and Azurite nationalities in Syria or any other segment of the Syrian people.  It shall establish a law for elections of a constituent council and draft for a permanent constitution based on the national compact.
  • The transitional government shall be responsible for administering the country’s affairs under the control of the legislative body formed by the national conference and it shall handle the priorities for eliminating the social and urban effects of the previous regime and to enhance the national economy.
  • Within the maximum of one year of its establishment, the temporary legislative body and the transitional government shall work to hold elections for the constituent parliament, which shall approve the constitution draft and present the constitution to a public referendum within a maximum period of six months.
  • As soon as the constituent parliament is elected, the temporary legislative body shall be dissolved and a new government will be formed based on the majority that resulted from the elections.

 

• Military and security establishment:
  • As soon as Bashar Al-Assad and figures of authority fall, the honorable elements of the regular army whose hands were not stained by the blood of Syrians shall sign with the free Syrian army and armed resistance a memorandum of understanding that regulates the operations of a ceasefire and withdrawal of the army back to its barracks, establishing security, and preserving civil and national peace under the care and supervision of the Security Council, if necessary.
  • The transitional government shall establish a National Security Council headed by the chairman of the executive authority and it shall include among its members honorable military leaders whose hands were not stained with the blood of Syrians as well as elements of free army, armed resistance and relevant civilian figures, and this National Security Council abides by the regulations established by the temporary legislative body.
  • The National Security Council shall oversee the restructuring of the armed forces and security agencies after they submit to the Council’s authority in order to rid these agencies of whoever is proven to have been involved, dissolve armed militias (Shabiha), withdraw weapons from civilians, and to recruit revolutionaries who want to join the armed forces.  This Council shall also protect the records and documents to facilitate the establishment of transitional justice, protection of prisons and maintaining safety of public and private properties against any vandalism.

 

• Transitional Justice:
  • A General Authority for Accountability and National Reconciliation will be established under the supervision of the temporary legislative body and then the constituent parliament, based on the basics of the national compact, to:
  • Achieve justice for all the victims who were subjected to systematic violations of their humanitarian rights or abused, to compensate them and hold accountable those who committed such actions, as well as finding mechanisms for additional social compensations that would prevent the aggravation of social conflicts.
  • To establish transparency in publishing the documents and facts regarding the behavior of those who committed the crimes in addition to the experiences of the victims.
  • Creating mechanisms for accountability and transparency to prevent the occurrence of new violations during the implementation of transitional justice and regaining the faith and confidence of citizens in state institutions, as well as contributing to enhancing the authority of the law and democratic institutions and their legitimacy; aiming at consolidating a suitable environment for mending the cracks and achieving a comprehensive, inclusive reconciliation at national and local levels.
  • To treat the individual and mass effects of violence, oppression and tyranny and to provide physiological support for children, women and victims of violence.
  • To eliminate the effects of previous discriminative polices, including the cancellation of law no. 49 for the year 1980, removing the injustice towards the displaced of Golan, the victims of the events of the eighties, the 2004 Kurdish intifada, the confiscations and their effects, and to compensate afflicted people, and find fair solutions for accumulating problems.
  • To eliminate the effects of discriminative and unjust policies and laws against the Kurdish nationality in Syria and their consequences, and compensate all afflicted Syrian people, and restoring the rights to its deserving people.

 

• The General Agency of Accountability and National Reconciliation includes specialists in different legal, social, rights, psychological and cultural fields in addition to national, social and artistic figures that enjoy credibility and the ability to influence in order to implement the mechanisms of transitional justice through the following steps:

 

• An independent judicial authority to decide about the crimes committed by the regime including the high officials of the regime such that it becomes fair and objective and achieves the proper speed in accountability operations.
• The fact-finding committee shall work on collecting statements and investigating the crimes of the regime during the revolution and refer them to the judicial authority, including high leadership and front lines of the regime.
• A historical committee that aims at investigating the long term crimes and revealing the facts regarding the crimes of the Syrian regime against Syrian people, such as Hama massacre, the issue of political detentions, field executions and the issue of forcibly migrating and arbitrary displacing people.
• Local reconciliation committees to include influential patriotic and social personalities benefiting from social nature to start working on a process of national reconciliation and national dialogue using different means and taking into consideration in its formation local privacies of the Syrian social structure.  
• Arbitration committees to work on settling small civil conflicts created by the revolutionary period with regard to individuals, which shall take into consideration settling minor issues and civil disagreements and work on national reconciliation.
• The authority shall establish a Commemoration Office that will honor the memory of martyrs and detainees and to establish memorial statues for the martyrs in order to morally and psychologically compensate the society.
• To insert the principles of transitional justice in the educational and school curricula, as well as within religious, social and cultural establishments.
• Issue amnesty for some minor crimes related to recent events.
• Regarding crimes related to revolution events that involved individuals and gangs (Shabiha), the ordinary courts shall continue to operate according to Syrian law and look into these crimes – parallel with reforming these courts – and will guarantee the adequate speed in issuing verdicts related to these crimes and guarantee the right of all citizens to utilize the law, appeal personally, and have access to a fair trial.
• To establish a psychological and social support teams affiliated with a specialized office in the agency and in cooperation with civil society organizations specialized in treatment of shock cases related to all kinds of violence practiced against women, children, and detainees in order to rehabilitate them and offer them the necessary medical care and recovery needed for re-integrating them.

• This Agency works in cooperation with the judiciary to establish regulations for accountability and reconciliation regarding members of the former authority and armed groups (Shabiha) and to guarantee the right of all citizens in fair trials that would secure their rights.
• As soon as Bashar Al-Assad and regime figures are toppled, the properties of the members of the former regime, their families and relatives involved in embezzling public funds inside and outside, should be put seized until the whole issue is dealt with according to the regulations to be established by the temporary legislative body or the parliament, including money retained abroad.

 

• Economic and social situation
  • A General Agency for Social Compensations and Reconstruction will be established under the supervision of the temporary legislative body and then the parliament, based on the basics of the national compact to:
  • Support the afflicted by current developments and reconstruct their private properties that were demolished.
  • Support the families of all martyrs, detainees, injured and disabled persons and compensate them fairly.
  • Return displaced and internally- and externally-migrated people and resolve their situations.
  • Contribute with the government in reconstructing the infrastructure and public establishments affected by recent developments, and in funding urgent economic and social procedures.
    • All international and foreign aid shall be put under the jurisdiction of this Agency in coordination with donors. Appropriations of the Agency of Accountability and National Reconciliation shall be spent from the appropriations for this agency.
    • As soon as Bashar Al-Assad falls, demand the international community cancel all comprehensive sanctions imposed on Syria and its institutions and to assist the state in regaining funds of the authority that are kept abroad.
    • The transitional government shall work on establishing polices that would quickly address the following:
    • Re-launching the national economy at all levels 
    • Inflation
    • Securing the essential commodities
    • Poverty  and increased poverty in areas afflicted by the incidents,
    • Monopolies

 

The first draft for this document has been drafted and approved by the preparatory committee to be presented to the Syrian Opposition Conference. It has been discussed in the first session of the conference. The Drafting Committee that was formed by the Conference introduced the amendments to the document based on the suggestions presented by the participants in the Conference. Then, the document was discussed, and traditional amendments were introduced and approved in the concluding session of the conference in the evening of July 3, 2012.

 

 

3. Réunion du Groupe des Amis du peuple syrien (Paris, 6 juillet 2012)

 

• Conclusions de la Présidence

 

4. Résolution du Conseil des droits de l'homme (6 juillet 2012)

 

• Projet de résolution (Etats-Unis et UE)

 

The Human Rights Council,

Recalling General Assembly resolutions 66/176 of 19 December 2011 and 66/253 of 16 February 2012, Human Rights Council resolutions 8-16/1 of 29 April 2011, 8-17/1 of 22 August 2011, s-I 8/1 of2 December 2011, 19/1 of 1 March 2012, 19/22 of23 March 2012 and 8-19/1 of 1 June 2012, and Security Council resolutions 2042 (2012) of 14 April 2012 and 2043 (2012) of2l Apr11 2012;

Reaffirming its support for the six-point plan of the Joint Special Envoy of the United Nations and the League ofArab States, Kofi Annan, as annexed to Security Council resolution 2042 (2012), and recalling the 30 June 2012 Action Group Ministerial;

Recalling the statements made by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights before the Security Council that crimes against humanity are likely to have been committed in the Syrian Arab Republic, and noting her encouragement to the Security Council to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court;

1. Strongly condemns the acts of violence; widespread, systematic, and gross violations of human rights; on-going atrocities; and indiscriminate targeting of civilians by Syrian authorities; also condemns the human rights violations and crimes that members of the government-controlled militia “Shabiha” continue to commit against the Syrian people;

2. Strongly condemns the continued extrajudicial killings; the killing and persecution of protestors, human rights defenders and journalists; arbitrary detention; enforced disappearances; interference with access to medical treatment; torture; and ill-treatment; and condemns in particular the targeted killing of children, and the fact that children have been subject to arbitrary arrest, detention, and torture and ill-treatment, including sexual violence;

3. Demands that the Syrian authorities release all persons arbitrarily detained, and immediately allow access of independent human rights monitors to all detention facilities, in particular those facilities where torture has been alleged to have occurred;

4. Deplores the alarming human rights consequences of the lack of implementation of the Joint Special Envoy of the United Nations and the League ofArab States six-point plan, and calls for the urgent, comprehensive and immediate implementation by all sides of all its elements without any preconditions and in the sequence prescribed by the plan;

5. Reiterates its urgent call upon the Syrian regime to put an immediate end to all violence and all human rights violations, and to meet its responsibility to protect its populations;

6. Reiterates also the importance of bringing to justice those responsible for the widespread and systematic use of violence against the Syrian people;

7. Urges the Syrian authorities to immediately and fUlly implement the agreed humanitarian response plan, including by granting immediate, safe, unimpeded and fUll access of humanitarian organizations to all areas ofthe Syrian Arab Republic;8. Invites all relevant United Nations agencies, in particular the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, to provide support to Syrian refugees and their host countries;

9. Emphasizes the continued importance of the efforts of the Commission of Inquiry to conduct international, transparent, independent and unfettered investigations into alleged violations of international human rights law with a view to hold to account those responsible for such violations, including for those that may amount to crimes against humanity;

10. Stresses that the current Syrian authorities have failed to prosecute alleged perpetrators of such crimes, and encourages the international community promptly to take appropriate action to ensure that there is no impunity for such crimes, while underscoring the importance of the recommendation of the Commission of Inquiry that the Syrian people, on the basis of broad, inclusive and credible consultations, should determine, within the framework provided by international law, the process and mechanisms to achieve reconciliation, truth and accountability for gross violations occurring since March 2011, as well as reparations and effective remedies for the victims;

11. Takes note of the oral update provided by the Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic during the Interactive Dialogue on June 27, 2012, including on its special inquiry into the events in El-Houleh, and looks forward to the full COl report to be presented to the Human Rights Council in September 2012; also recognizes that the Commission will need additional resources in order to completely fulfill its mandate;

12. Calls upon the Syrian authorities to cooperate fully with the Commission of Inquiry, including by granting it immediate, full, and unfettered access throughout the Syrian Arab Republic;

13. Decides to transmit all reports by the commission of inquiry to the main bodies of the United Nations for appropriate action;

14. Stresses that the current Syrian government’s announced candidacy for the Human Rights Council in 2014 fails to meet the standards for Council membership set forth in paragraph 8 of General Assembly resolution 60/251; and 

15. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

 

• Résolution adoptée

 

 

Situation des droits de l’homme en République arabe syrienne 

 

Le Conseil des droits de l’homme, 

 

Rappelant ses résolutions antérieures, 

 

1.  Accueille avec satisfaction les résultats de la réunion ministérielle du Groupe d’action du 30 juin 2012, réunion qui s’est tenue en raison de la profonde inquiétude suscitée par la situation en République arabe syrienne; 

2.  Déplore vivement  les violations massives, systématiques et flagrantes des droits de l’homme en République arabe syrienne et le fait que des civils sont aveuglément pris pour cible par les autorités syriennes; 

3.  Condamne en particulier l’assassinat ciblé d’enfants et le fait que des enfants ont été arbitrairement arrêtés, détenus, torturés et soumis à des mauvais traitements, notamment des violences sexuelles; 

4.  Déplore  les conséquences très inquiétantes pour les droits de l’homme de l’inexécution du plan en six points de l’Envoyé spécial conjoint de l’Organisation des Nations Unies et de la Ligue des États arabes et demande d’urgence la mise en œuvre complète et immédiate de tous les éléments de ce plan sans condition préalable; 

5.  Demande  aux autorités syriennes de prendre les mesures voulues pour garantir la sûreté et la sécurité du personnel humanitaire et du personnel de l’Organisation des Nations Unies; 

6.  Souligne qu’il est nécessaire de mener sans délai une enquête internationale transparente et indépendante sur les violations du droit international par les autorités syriennes en vue de satisfaire à l’obligation de rendre compte, notamment pour les responsables de violations massives, systématiques et flagrantes des droits de l’homme qui peuvent constituer des crimes contre l’humanité; 

7.  Prend note de l’exposé présenté par la commission d’enquête sur la République arabe syrienne lors du dialogue organisé le 27 juin 2012 et constate que la commission aura besoin de ressources supplémentaires pour s’acquitter complètement de son mandat; 

8.  Demande aux autorités syriennes de coopérer pleinement avec la commission d’enquête, notamment en lui accordant un accès immédiat, total et sans entrave à l’ensemble du territoire de la République arabe syrienne; 

9.  Attend avec intérêt le rapport complet de la commission d’enquête qui doit être présenté au Conseil des droits de l’homme en septembre 2012; 

10.  Décide de rester saisi de la question. 

 

 

 

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